Martin J. Bailey, Constitution for a Future Country, part Two
In Chapter Four, Dr. Baylor pointed out--as I have long felt--that
when a new government was forming, the leaders were only given
the U. S. Constitutions or the parliamentary system to serve as a guide.
There has been no improvement in government for two hundred years.
He recognizes that a country does not throw out its old Constitution
and put in a new one just because logic or economic theory or public
choice theory says this one is better. But when there is a situation
like the collapse of the Soviet system in Eastern Europe or Afghanistan
forming a new government, the leaders of the transition might ask for help
looking for a better way.
Dr. Baylor wrote this book in his dying days to provide that help.
It is my goal to provide this help also, but in the form of computer programs.
We simulate things on the computer before we build them, whether it be
the finite element analysis of a bridge resisting the forces of winds
and the trucks riding upon them or the robustness of a electric grid as
loads change and generators or alternative power sources upon them.
The people who must ratify a constitution should be able to simulate
it. Just as a pilot practices emergency moves such as an engine stall
in a simulator, the people must practice dealing with budgeting during
a depression, handling a natural disaster like Katrina. And the judicial
system must be practiced as well. How would a one-state solution
to the Palestinians and Jews in the Middle East deal with a Palestian
Police Officer shooting an Orthodox Jew or the other way? A Law Enforcement
class might enact a trial to learn criminal procedure. The people
will first vote on a judicial code under a trial constitution. Then, they
will have whatever election process that would include for judges. Then
the judges and the jury, if their constitution so provides, will try moot
cases. This would definitely include staged
charged situation of one ethnic group
shooting a member of the other.
If they can't do it in a mock trial--is there any reason to believe they
could accept the results when it happens for real.
And we should do it in the more quotidian cases such as those
that one might see
in Judge Wapner's People's Court.)
As an economist, Dr. Bailey is very concerned that government expenditures
are handled efficiently. And he starts with Lindahl taxes. Each
possible group, doctors living in Wyoming, wealthy financiers living in
tony Connecticut towns, coal miners in Apalachia, single people, married
families, will be represented by random samples from their numbers.
These will be chosen randomly, what Dr. Bailey refers to as a stratified
sample. They will each propose a tax to fall on their group proportional
to their marginal benefit.
Dr. Bailey that each group can be divided into other groups. But each
division would be based on some objective criteria, such as gender, race,
occupation group, income or the like.
And taxes would be either based upon property or income and have a tax schedule.
The taxes would be categorized by budget category. Thus, there might be
a property tax on automobiles to fund the highway system. The goal is
to get a near unanomous vote.
Also, every two years, there should be the opportunity to vote for a minimal
budget for basic public safety needs--equivalent to
the partial shutdown of the government that were used during budget stalemates
in some states.
As each funding proposal comes through, citizens vote their uninsured
harm (VCG taxes) and also can purchase Thompson Insurance for monetary losses.
Dr. Bailey proposes limits of about ten to twenty percent of income for these.
This means there is no way for a citizen to express extreme concern--
for example a pro-lifer expressing extreme concern about legalized abortion,
or a Native American expressing extreme concern about a mine on a sacred
burial ground.
And Dr. Bailey proposes a complicated formula for legislative pay
which includes a variety of incentives. (See below.)
The first is at the start
of the public good chain. If their estimate of Lindahl
Dr. Bailey believes that legislators should be sequestered like juries
in major cases. They should only get information in an organized
way through formal hearings
and not emotional impacts. More importantly, there would be no way to
lobby legislators. Legislator's wealth would be replaced by a mutual fund
weighted like theinvestments of their demographic groups. Thus, a physician
representing his fellow physicians would sell their investments and be given
a set of investments that matches what an average physician has.
Cumulanis' Constitution (that's what Dr. Bailey calls his hypothetical
State) specifies that legislators shall vote the amount of money they and
their family would pay to put through or stop a certain legislature.
And Dr. Bailey believes in referenda, anyone including corporatins can
put a referendum on the ballot if they pay the costss including evaluation.
Dr. Bailey calls for impartial statisticians to estimate the possibility
of referenda passing--I guess after polling. If the odds are ten percent
ormore
Obviously, there are various technical correction bills that are not
controversial. The statistical groupo could find which ones have a 95%
chance of passing and these could be grouped in a single up or down vote.
He furthermore proposes that referenda be voted on twice, with the first
vote just to see if there is interest and requires 25 per cent of the
vote. If a legislature makes a proposal rejected by 75 per cent of the
people shall have the costs of the ballot deducted from their incentive pay.
Of course legislators have important roles, including determining the size
of ebverybody's taxes--although with his mechanisms less of a role than
currently.
But many other jobs including the election commissioners that
administer the non-trivial software systems, the statisticians are critical.
And, what about those making decisions about deep oil drilling equipment.
Or those administering large contracts for the government.
Dr. Bailey realizes that the VCG mechanism although a Nash equilibrium
is not immune to collusion. Cumulanis' constitution simply says that
attempt to organize voters to misrepresent their harms that would defeat the
nice economic properties of VCG taxes is a felony! Dr. Bailey notes that
under the bill of Rights, it is perfectly legal to encourage voters to
vote strategically, e. g. a citizen
could take out adds encouraging Republicans to cross over and vote in the
Democratic Party and vote to nominate an extremely liberal candidate so the
Republican party candidate wins.
Dr. Bailey believes legislatures should be paid on a contractual basis
with the voters who are sovereign. Thus, every bill should have measures
of success. The education bill should state that 70% of the children
shall read at grade level for example.
The legislature making the education proposal would be responsible for
contracting out the education function and monitoring it. If the education
system got only 65%--then any citizen can sue them. "The criteria for
standing admissibility of suits shall be identical to those for
suits against private parties as specified by the laws of torts and
contracts." Now, who would have the right to sue here. Would I as a taxpayer
or simply a citizen who cared that kids get a good education or a professor
who felt that I want students who know how to read and write in my class
have the right to institute a suit?
(The Supreme Court has restricted this right. Taxpayers do not have the right
to pursue a generalized claim that their funds are being
mispent. Parents of a particular
ethnic group could not sue regarding giving tax exempt treatment to
schools that discriminated against their children. And lastly individuals
could not sue on behalf of animals under the Endangered Species Act.
A generalized claim that the person might not see the animal when
they are traveling is not sufficient.)
In the same article,
Dr. Bailey proposes mechanisms to make budget estimates more
accurate and realistic.
Each tax schedule shall have an estimate of how much
revenue it will bring in. (And he provides for macroeconomic downturns that
are not the estimator's fault.) Legislators cold be sued when their budget
estimates were simply incorrect--presumably discouraging the budget shenanigans
we say at the state and federal level in the United States.
(I have pointed out that there are ways of organizing the budgeting structure
constitutionally without budget estimates. One specifies the tax schedule
and whatever it brings in is what that government has.
Also, one can specify an expense and the people who shall bear it. They
compete on a goodness or badness basis before sortition jurors to determine
who should pay it. For example, the car owners shall be required to
pay for the highway expenses. Each goes before a tax sortition juror and
pays a tax based upon how safe they drive, how much they needed to drive
(those who lived on a farm out in the boonies might have no choice but
to use their vehicle and the sortition jury would assign them a small
share of the highway taxes. But someone who might use their vehicle
when the Greyhound bus went where they needed to or who drived for vacations.)
One can also use approval voting to determine expenditures. That which
100% vote for gets funded first, then what 99% vote for, etc. The tax schedule
brings in whatever it brings in. The things wanted by the most
people gets funded first.
Thompson Insurance
A street project would improve the value of some people's property.
It would lower the value of others. Every proposal would be associated
with a Thompson insurance. The first parties could take out insurance
against the proposal failing. The other parties would take out insurance
against it passing. A neutral government body must offer this.
Dr. Bailey cited work in the law and economics literature that insurance
really doesn't work for intangibles such as pain and suffering.
And a majority could keep proposing the same thing, bankrupting a minority.
That is if the majority might keep proposing the mine on the ethnic group's
grave field. The ethnic group would take out insurance against the bill
passing, defeating it. However, they would eventually run out of money.
Thus, this really does not deal with the pro-life individual concerned
about legalizing abortions or the pro-choice concerned about a proposal
to restrict abortion. Dr. Bailey's constitution would
have would have limits that would not allow a person
to declare the severe harm for their ethical sensibilities.
Dr. Bailey realizes this and he says that his mechanisms could not handle it.
He says, "The performance of a country with our proposed constitution could be
almost an arbitrary and capricious on this issue as the ... United
States has been. That is a pity, and if the reader can think of a constitutional order that would arrive at sound policy on such issues more reliably than
that proposed, please publish it."
I have an idea--and will be posting it shortly here.
I should also mention Dr. Bailey's concern about entry into war on
spurious grounds. He mentioned the Gulf-of-Tonkin resolution that got
the United States escalated in the Vietnam war and the less-disastrous
Spanish American war. This book was published and Dr. Bailey passed away
before the entry into IRAQ, a situation that has been compared.
And Dr. Woodruff discussed the problem in the Greek invasion of Syracuse.
system. (I proposed a solution of waiting to reward our statespeople
and military leaders.)
Appendix -- Incentives for Legisltuares
Section Eleven includes detail for all legislators.
Here are some of the formulas to give a flavor:
"0.1 percent of the budget amount contained
int he proposal plus thirty percent of the total declared insured
and uninsured harm from non-adoption, net of the declared harm from adoption, relative to the next most
valuable distinct and differeent proposed
by another legilature, less five percent of the net inferiority of these proposals, relative
to distinct and different alternatives of the ballot, for each population that on
net would have supported an alternative proposal int he group,
under the legislature's proposed taxes and accurate taxes for the alternative."